By Bhawana
The word Archaeology come from the Greek and means 'the study of what is ancient'. It is the past seen from a human perspective. Archaeologists, paleontologists and historians are all interested in the past, but their view points are different paleontologists study fossilized remains, while historians deal with written records the 'conscious' past. For archeologists, fossil and documentary findings are only two of many sources of information. ( Encarta 2005). Archaeologist's deal with all the information we can obtain about the past from material remains evidence that is generally biased and incomplete, but whose scope is almost unlimited.
Archaeology is the scientific study of past human culture and behavior, from the origins of humans to the present. Archaeology studies past human behavior through the examination of material remains of previous human societies. These remains include the fossils (preserved bones) of humans, food remains, the ruins of buildings, and human artifacts—items such as tools, pottery, and jewelry. From their studies, archaeologists attempt to reconstruct past ways of life. Archaeology is an important field of anthropology, which is the broad study of human culture and biology. Archaeologists concentrate their studies on past societies and changes in those societies over extremely long periods of time.
With its focus on the ancient past, archaeology somewhat resembles paleontology—the study of fossils of long-extinct animals, such as dinosaurs. However, archaeology is distinct from paleontology and studies only past human life. Archaeology also examines many of the same topics explored by historians. But unlike history—the study of written records such as government archives, personal correspondence, and business documents—most of the information gathered in archaeology comes from the study of objects lying on or under the ground.
Archaeologists refer to the vast store of information about the human past as the archaeological record. The archaeological record encompasses every area of the world that has ever been occupied by humans, as well as all of the material remains contained in those areas. Archaeologists study the archaeological record through field surveys and excavations and through the laboratory study of collected materials.
Many of the objects left behind by past human societies are not present in the archaeological record because they have disintegrated over time. The material remains that still exist after hundreds, thousands, or millions of years have survived because of favorable preservation conditions in the soil or atmosphere. For the most part, the only things that survive are durable items such as potsherds (small fragments of pottery), tools or buildings of stone, bones, and teeth (which survive because they are covered with hard enamel). Because many items disintegrate over time, archaeologists get an incomplete view of the past that they must fill in with other kinds of information and educated reasoning. On rare occasions, however, delicate objects have been preserved. For example, fabrics and flowers were found in the celebrated tomb of Tutank hamun, an Egyptian pharaoh who was buried in 1323 BC.
Archaeology became established as a formal discipline in the 19th and early 20th centuries. At that time, most archaeological work was confined to Europe, to the so-called cradle of civilization in southwestern Asia, and to a few areas of the Americas. Today, archaeologists study the great cultural diversity of humanity in every corner of the world.
History of Archaeology
The discipline had its origins in early efforts to collect artistic materials of extinct groups, an endeavor that can be traced back to the 15th cent. in Ital when gowing interestin ancient reece inspired the excavation of Greek sculpture. In the 18th century, the progress of Greek and Roman archaeology was advanced by Johann Winckelmann and Ennio Visconti and by excavations at Herculaneum and Pompeii; in the 19th cent., by the acquisition of the Elgin Marbles. The study of ancient cultures in the Aegean region was stimulated by the excavations of Heinrich Schliemann at Troy, and of Arthur Evans at Crete. The work of Martin Nilsson, Alan Wace, and John Pendlebury was also significant in this area, and the decipherment of the Minoan script by Michael Ventris raised new speculations about the early Aegean cultures.
The foundations of Egyptology, a prolific branch of classical archaeology because of the wealth of material preserved in the dry Egyptian climate, were laid by the recovery of the Rosetta Stone (see under Rosetta) and the work of French scholars who accompanied Napoleon Bonaparte to Egypt. Investigations that have reconstructed the lives and arts of elite segments of ancient Egyptian society and rewritten Egyptian history were carried on in the 19th cent. by Karl Lepsius, Auguste Mariette, and Gaston Maspero, and in the 19th and 20th cent. by W. M. Flinders Petrie, James Breasted, and others.
The Middle East was stimulated by the work of Edward Robinson (1794–1863) on the geography of the Bible and by the decipherment of a cuneiform inscription of Darius I, which was copied (1835) by Henry Rawlinson from the Behistun rock in Iran. Archaeology in Mesopotamia was notably advanced in the 19th cent. by Jules Oppert, Paul Botta, and Austen Layard and in the 20th cent. by Charles Woolley, Henri Frankfort, and Seton Lloyd. The discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls, beginning in 1947, aroused new interest in biblical studies.
New World cultures was stimulated by the publication by John Stephens of an account of his travels (1839) in Central America, which excited the interest of archaeologists in the Maya. In the 19th century, studies began of the Toltec and the Aztec in Mexico and of the Inca in South America. In 1926 the discovery of human cultural remains associated with extinct fauna near Folsom, N.Mex. ( Folsom culture), established the substantial depth of prehistory for the New World ( website: Americas, antiquity and prehistory of the).
ARCHAEOLOGY OF NEPAL: ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES IN NEPAL
Today, classical archaeology, anthropological archaeology is concerned with culture history (i.e., the chronology of events and cultural traditions) and the explanation of cultural processes. A variety of different dating techniques, both relative such as stratigraphy and absolute like: radiocarbon, obsidian hydration, potassium-argon, is used to place events in time.
In the mid-19th century investigation is began with the stratigraphic excavation such remains as the lake dwelling, barrow, and kitchen midden. At first the sequences of culture change uncovered in Western Europe were generalized to include all of world history. But improved techniques of field excavation and the expansion of archaeological discoveries in Africa, Asia, and the Americas challenged the universality of rigid classifications. Technological traditions ceased to be regarded as inevitable concomitants of specific cultural stages.
Later interpretations of prehistoric human life emphasize cultural responses to changing demographic and environmental conditions. Thus the Paleolithic, Mesolithic, and Neolithic periods are evaluated in terms of subsistence technologies, and explanations are sought for the causes underlying these transitions. ( www. The Columbia…..)
In field of archaeology of Nepal, over the past few decades, much archaeological work has been conducted in the Terai region of the country where Nepal's first settlements were probably located. Tilaurakot for example, used to be the capital of Shakya dynasty and is situated in Kapilvastu district in western Nepal. The Present archaeological site in extends over an area of more than five kilometers. The central portion, measuring approx. five thousand meters by four thousand meters, is surrounded by the citadels of three periods. The first and second are made of muddating from 600 to 200B.C. while the third wall appears to have constructed with kiln-burnt bricks and was probably build around 150 BC. The eastern gate, the eastern stupa, the Ashita Apsidal Stupa and the defense wall were discovered at the site.
Recent excavation brought to light the majestic western gateway complexes including the watchman's room, six meters broad roads of different periods (with card-track impressions), the moat on the east and west, three periods of defense walls and the northern twin stupas with sixteen and seven meter diameters, made and enlarged between the fourth and second centuries B.C. The central portion of the site has also been excavated and various brick structures belonging to the third century BC to the second century AD have been unearthed. Water storage tanks, big jars, brick and terra-cotta ring wells and a fire-altar have also been found. Other antiquities discovered at the site are human and animal terra-cotta figurines (dated 400 B.C. to 200 AD), silver punch-marked coins, early cast coins with symbols, Kushan coins, and pieces of Sunga and Kushan pottery. Apart from these antiquities practical items such as terra-cotta cart wheels, gamesmen's figures iron implements, nails, arrow-heads, bone and copper rods, dice and fishing hooks have also been found.
Nepal's important archaeological sites are:
The excavation works on the Archelogical Study of Nepal are found to be done mainly in the Middle Wesr terai and some places of the Kathmandu Valley. The following places of the Kathmandu Valley are found to excavate in different times: Lazimpat, Bishalnagar, Handigaun, Patan Square, Dhumbarai.
The following place of the Middle West Terai is found to be excavated in different times: Lumbini, Tilaurakot, Banjarahi, Paisiya, Kundan of Lori, Gotihawa, Niglihawa, Sagarhawa.
Gotihawa – This is an important archoelogical site in nepal. These ancient ruins are situated nearly eleven kilometers south of Taulihawa, the present district headquarters. To the north of the Gotihawa village, there is an ancient brick stupa and an Ashokan monolithic column. The lower portion with its square granite base stone is still intact but the crowning features and inscriptional portions are mission. The site can be safely identified as the Nirvan stupa of Kakuchhanda Buddha (one of the previous Buddhas), whose hometown lies within one kilometer of this stupa-pillar complex.
Sagarahawa – This is another important archoelogical site in nepalThis site is located nearly two km north of Tilaurakot on the bank of the Banganga river. It was excavated in 1896 and seventeen miniature stupas were found there. In the same general region, sites of ancient civilization have been identified at Lumbini, Banjarhi, Nipaniya and Kadyatawa to mention just a few names. Several eastern region of the country, the most important which are Bhediari, Varahakshetra, Janakpur and Simarangarh.
Bhediari - Located nearly ten km south of Biratnagar, the ancient ruins this archoelogical site have revealed many important brick temples, one of which has been fully excavated. It appears to have been built in the Sunga period and shows two phases of construction. There is a two-meter high rectangular platform supported from the inside by cross walls. So far no image either of stone or terra-cotta has been found during the excavations; however, a number of silver punch-marked coins have been found.
Varahakshetra -This is another important archoelogical temple site located at the confluence of the Koka and Koshi rivers. The site is known to belong to the period of later Guptas who had issued a copper grant for the two Varaha images found there. Apart from these images, there are many miniature Gupta period temple replicas, which suggest that during the sixth to the seventh centuries AD, many such temples, and idols were made.
Narasingha Tappa – This is an important archoelogical site in nepal. Some years ago, while cultivating lands at Narasingha Tappa, close to the present town of Ithari, an idol of Vishnu was discovered. The image belongs to the fifth or sixth century AD and is based on the Gupta art school tradition. It has now been temporarily kept inside a local Shiva Temple. The site, according to local people also contains pottery items, indicating that it was inhabited as early as the Gupta dynasty (4th - 5th centuries AD).
Janakpur - At Rama-Janaki temple complex near Janakpur there is an important image depicting Uma lying over a bed and feeding a baby. Ganesh and Kumar are also depicted in the panel while on the top of the scene is a Shiva Lingam. The piece dates from the 12th or 13th century AD and belongs to the Karnatakas of Simarangarh. Some auspicious Symbols on the piece prove that it influenced the Malla art period of Katmandu.
Simarangarh - This was the old capital city of the Karnatakas of Mithila and was built by King Nanyadeva in 1097-98AD. The ruins of the city extend over the area of 16km, the whole area still being surrounded by high kiln-burnt bricks. There are more than one hundred images and sculptures scattered all over the area. Most are made of black cist stone and are nicely polished; however, a few are also made of sandstone. The images represented at the site are of Vishnu, Narayan, Lakshmi-Narayan, Shankarsana, Garudopari Vishnu, Uma-Maheshwara, Durga, Shiva and Surya (both types standing and holding lotus flowers, while leaning over a seven-horsed chariot). In different parts of Simarangarh, there are remains of temples and gateways of the old city.
Other sites bearing Karnataka images and sculptures are Kanchanpur (near Rajbiraj), Murtiya (west of Janakpur) and Valmiky Nagar (near the Gandaki Barrage), as well as several other places between the Gandaki and Saptakoshi rivers.
Conclusion:
Archaeology is a branch of anthropology that seeks to document and explain continuity and change and similarities and differences among human cultures. Archaeologists work with the material remains of cultures, past and present, providing the only source of information available for past non literate societies and supplementing written sources for historical and contemporary groups.
Nepal is in initial stage in archaeological viewpoint. It's prehistoric and ancient historic evidence up till now discovered are very limited. Most of the prehistoric evidnces are found outside the kathmandu Valley. The concrete ancient historical evidences are confined to Tilaurakot hand Lumbini areas. Kathmandu Valley preserved ancient and medieval historical evidences. The Department of Archaeology is taking the responsibility of all the archaeologically and historically important monuments in the country.
Monday, January 22, 2007
Hierarchy in Dalit
One integral aspect of Nepalese society is the existence of Hindu caste system. Hierarchy is the main principle through which caste system operates. Over a period of time casteism developed a rigid hierarchical society with purity and pollution of castes.
The caste based Hindus, follow a hierarchy of status codified by Jayasthiti Malla in 14th century. This 1854 “Old Legal Code of Nepal” lists four hierarchical caste grouping: those wearing the sacred thread, those consuming liquor, those from whom water may not be accepted by higher caste and those whose water is not acceptable and whose touch requires purification (Hofer, 1979). The latter two groupings are the Dalits, or untouchables. In this manufactured caste hierarchy, Brahmins lie at the top and, Sudras, or Dalits lie at the bottom of society. Besides the caste groups, there are about 60 ethnic group in the country (Luitel, 2003). Outlawed in year 1963 itself, without no strong action against it, the practice of untouchability still exists in all part of the country.
Nepalese society is clearly split into touchables and untouchables. The Dalits (untouchables) have been a victim of psychological and physical violence from the upper caste group be it the caste or ethnic group who are supposed to be superior to them. There is also discrimination among these groups who practice untouchability among themselves as superior and inferior group. Unfortunately even within an impoverished group that is emotionally called Dalits or the untouchables, someone is higher and someone is lower. Thus, the practice of untouchability penetrated down to the untouchables. As a result, it went down to the extent of making discrimination between touchable and untouchable castes within the untouchable’s community itself.
An untouchable is more polluting to another higher-ranking Untouchable than, say, a “Non-enslavable Alcohol- Drinkers” is to another higher ranking “Non-enslavable Alcohol- Drinkers” (Hofer, 1979).
This paper attempts to give insight into existing form of hierarchy within the untouchables/Dalits and on what basis this hierarchy has sustained.
2. Defining the Dalits
A ‘Dalit’- formerly called untouchable-is a person outside the four castes and considered below them. In India Harijan is the term used for Dalits which means “Children of God”. Many Dalit consider “Harijan” condescending and prefer the term Dalit translated as “crushed”, “stepped on” or “oppressed”. Untouchables refer to those sections of Indian society that are economically dependant and exploited, victims of many kinds of discrimination, and ritually polluted in permanent way (Deliege, 1999).
The literal meaning of Dalit in Nepali dictionary is ‘the person who is suppressed”. In the context of South Asia, Dalit is a common term used to address culturally, economically and socially marginalized individual or communities. Some others have interpreted the word Dalit as derivative from daldal or swamp from where it is difficult to extricate. However some say that the term ‘Dalit’ should be exclusively used to refer to the lowest hierarchy of the Hindu caste society, i.e., those considered ‘untouchable’.
The proposed Bill on Dalits in Nepal by National Dalit Commission has defined ‘Dalit’ as “those communities who by virtue of atrocities of caste-based discrimination and untouchability, are most backward in social, economic, educational, political and religious fields, and are deprived of human dignity and social justice (Dahal, 2002).
The term is also used to designate communities that in practice continue to be treated as Pani na chalne,choi chhito halnu parne (group or caste from whom water is not accepted, and whose touch requires sprinkling of water by the so-called high caste communities).
The Uppechhit, Utpidit ra Dalit Barga Utthan Bikas Samiti (Ignored, Oppressed and Dalit Group’s Upliftment Development Committee), formed under the Ministry of Local Development, has identified 23 different Dalit communities Lohar, Sunar, Kami, Damai, Kasai, Sarki, Badi, Gaine, Kusule, Kuche, Chyame, Chamar, Dhobi, Paswan (Dushad), Tatma, Batar, Khatbe, Musahar, Santhal Sattar and Halkhor.(Dahal, 2002).
Dalit category includes what one may call artisan or occupational castes-cobbler, tailor, leather worker, washer man, sweeper, laborers, weaver, metal worker, and so on. Engaging in these activities was considered to be polluting to the individual who performed them and this pollution was considered to be ‘contagious’ by the higher caste people.
3. Main Dalit Groups and their Occupation
As per the official statistics, the Dalits constitute 13 per cent of the total population of the country of 23,151,423. Of the Dalit population, 58.11% are of hill origin, 36.17% are of Madhesi origin in tarai and the remaining 5.72 per cent are Newari origin (Jha, 2005).
The National Dalit Strategy Report (2002) prepared for the government of Nepal, enumerates the traditional occupations of Dalit communities. The Kamis caste makes new agricultural tools and household utensils. They also repair them as needed. They are the largest Dalit group according to the 1991 census. They comprise 44 percent of all Dalits and 5.2 percent of the total population of Nepal.
A goldsmith, or Sunar, makes golden or silver ornaments upon request by the clients. The Parkis are basket weavers. The Chunara, a blacksmith group of far-western Nepal, makes utensils from wood. Damai castes work as a tailor and drummers. In Damai group, both men and women are tailors who sew clothes. They are the second largest population, 17 percent of all Dalits.
The Sarki are leatherworkers who make shoes and other product from the body of dead animals. They are the third largest Dalit group, at 12 per cent. The Badis are singers and dancers, with a significant number of women co-opted into prostitution. The Gaines is wonderful musician, who entertain by singing songs.
The Tarai dalits such as Chamar are leather workers. They make and polish shoes as well as dispose of dead animals for clients. The Tatmas are weavers the Doms are basket makers. The Halkhor are sweepers who clean the streets and bathrooms for the government as well as individual households. No other Dalits would accept food or water from them.
Dhobis are washer man by profession. They make a relatively good living compared to other Dalits and, at 21 percent, have one of the highest literacy rates.The Dalits of Kathmandu valley, particularly the Chyame, Pode and Halahulu have a monopoly in cleaning public and private bathrooms, hotels and government offices. The Kasai (Khadgi) are traditionally butchers and Kusle(Kapali) are sweepers. Both of them are also musician providing specified type of music on different type of social and religious occasions.
(Dahal et al, 2002)
3.1 The Hierarchy of Low caste according to Muluki Ain of 1854.
Caste
Caste specific profession(s)
Ethnicity
N-Newar,P-Parbatiya
Castes from whom water may not be accepted but whose touch does not necessitate purification
Kasai
butcher,milk-seller
N
Kusle
death-specialists, musician
N
Hindu Dhobi
washermen
N
Kulu
drum-makers
N
Musalman (Muslim)
bangle-seller
others
Mleccha( Westerners)
others
Castes whose touch necessitates purification
Kami
blacksmith
P
Sarki
leather workers
P
Kadara ( offspring of Kami-Sarki union)
P
Damai
tailor,musicians
P
Gaine
minstrels
P
Badi
musician
P
Pode( Dyahla)
sweepers,guardians,scavenger
N
Cyame ( Cyamkhalah)
sweeper,scavenger
N
Source: - Adapted from Hofer, 1979.
4. Hierarchy within Dalits
Dalits are hierarchically structured with Hill dalit, Newar dalit and Tarai dalit occupying different rungs on the social ladder. The hierarchy within Dalit group is partly based on eating habits and partly on caste occupation. It is however wrong to think that the hierarchy is confined to just these two. Sex is equally governed by this consideration. The top sub-caste of the community do not dine, marry or sometimes even touch the lowest layers.
4.1 Hill Dalits
Among the dalits, the Kami are considered highest in the social rank and never accept food or water from any Dalit groups below them. Kami and Sarki regard other community like Damai untouchable, while there does exist inequality even between Kami and Sarki. Although they intermarry and consider themselves of equal ranking, they never accept water and bhat from one another, whereas they mutually accept roasted and fried food (Hofer, 1979).
There are two levels of Sarki in western Nepal-with caste and without caste, which is called Bhool. This community treats itself equal to Kami (Jha, 2005). According to the Law Code (Muluki Ain) of 1854, Children begotten by Sarki from Kami women, or by Kamis from Sarki women, belong to the Kadara caste (Hofer, 1979). The next higher are the Kadara. Damais take water from their hands, but (Kadara) does not do so from the hands of Damai.
The Kami and the Damai, for example, regard bodily contact with each other as polluting. The same is true of sexual intercourse between the Kami and Damai. On the other hand Damais treat communities like Gaine untouchable. According to the Law Code they do not take food from Gaine and also refuse to take bhat from the off spring of a marriage between a Damai man and Gaine woman. The next higher are the Gaine (minstrel, singers) because they do not accept food from the Badi and because they live on singing, playing music and begging (Hofer, 1979).
The hierarchy of hill dalits is illustrated in figure 4.1.1 as:-
Caste
Occupation
Kami
blacksmith
Sarki
tanner, shoemaker
Kadara(union of Kami and Sarki)
minstrel and metal worker
Damai
tailors and musicians
Gaine
minstrels
Badi
musicians
4.2 Newar Dalits
The state of caste discrimination and untouchability appears to be slightly different from that of hill and terai dalits. The Newar Dalits includes Khadgi(Kasai), Kapali(Kusle) and Dyahla(Pode).Particularly they are settled in Lalitpur , Kathmandu and Bhaktapur also.There are other Newar Dalits :the Carmakar(Kulu)or Drum-Makers, the Vadyakar(Dom) or Musician, the Rajaka(Dhobi,Dhubya) or Washerman and the Chyamkhala(Chyame) who are sweepers and scavengers.
Khadgis(Kasai ) are traditionally butchers. They also play musical instrument called, Naykhin, in funeral procession as well as at different festivals in Kathmandu valley. According the the Law Code, the Khadgi rank highest of the Newar dalis because they will not accept water and rice from any other low castes and do not take bhat form the akusle either, and because all superior castes accept milk from them (Hofer, 1979). Khadgis, rank high is certainly connected to the fact that, to a greater extent than any other low cates, they reproduce the inter-caste service system of the higher castes. They are the only Newar dalits served by the Kapali at death, and they are the only dalits to have priests of a higher rank than themselves. These are the so-called Nay Gubhaju i.e Khadgi Vajracharya (Gellner and Quigley, 1995)
The Kapalis’(Kusle) relatively high rank within the low castes is justified in the Law Code by the fact that they serve as a sweeper in temple and palaces and that they play music in temples(Gellner and Quigley,1995).The Kapali are the death specialists who accept the impure offerings made on the seventh day after a death. They also accept death offerings from Khadgis, thus indicating that they accept the latter’s superiority to them. Within Kapalis also the roles of priest, barber and receiver of death are filled by other Kapalis themselves. The barber and receiver of the death receiver come from a lower Kapali sub-caste called Danya also referred to as Napi. The Dom is another separate sub-caste, said to be the offspring of Kapali men and lower-caste wives; it is they who accept the death offerings from Khadgi.
The Dhobis as by the name indicates are the washer man. They do not accept food from the eight aforesaid castes (see table 3.1) and because they enter certain rooms of the higher castes, i.e., of their clients (Gellner and Quigley, 1995). Carmarkar (Kulu) are leather-workers. According to the Law Code, Kulus do not accept cooked rice or water from Dalits below them, and have not begotten any children from girls belonging to these castes and also because (Kulus) have been undergoing expiation in the customary manner in the event of taking cooked rice or water touched by Damai, Kamai and Sarki, or of being involved in sexual relations with them (Hofer, 1979).
No Newar low caste eat carrion or remove dead cows, as the Sarkis do, and they consider themselves superior to the Sarki for that reason(Gellnar and Quigley, 1995).
We now come to the untouchable castes. According to the Law Code the Pode and Chyame rank the lowest because they accept everyone else polluted food. Chyame are the lower since they are the only one who cleans up faecal matter. The 1854 Law Code ranked the Cyamkhalah(Chyame) lower since its members take food left over by all other caste from, Upadhaya to Pode. In Panautia Cyamkhalah comes once a year from Bhaktapur to dispose of inauspicious offerings made by local Dyahla (Gellnar and Quigley 1995). The caste of Pode is higher than that of Chyame since its member take food left over by the other castes, but not by the Chyame caste. The lowest of the Newar Dalits are Harhures(baseless). Their ancestry is unknown and they live on begging. They are often seen begging on occasions like Gathemangal.
The hierarchy of newar dalits is illustrated in figure 4.2.1 as
Caste
Occupation
Kasai (Khadgis)
butcher
Kusle ( Kapali)
musician
Newar Dhobi
washerman
Kulu
tanner
Pode (Dyahla)
skinner and fisherman
Chyame ( Cyamkhalah)
scavenger
4.3 Tarai Dalits
The Tarai Dalits are considered socially, economically and politically backward than the above two- Hill Dalits and Newar Dalits.The Tarai Dalits, as any other caste-origin Hindu groups, have some distinct cultural features like hierarchical structure, hereditary basis of membership, endogamy and purity and pollution. The Dalits of the Tarai are treated as ‘Dalits of the Dalits’ due to their backwardness as compared to the hill Dalits of the country (Jha, 2005).
Chamar,Dusadh,Khatwe,Tatma,Musahar,Halkhor,Dhobi,Doms are the major Dalits group in the Tarai who are treated as untouchables.
Like the other groups, even today they follow a strict hierarchical division with them, with Tatma (Tanti or weaver) as the highest group and Halkhor (sweeper) as the lowest group. No other Dalit will accept food or water from the Halkhor. For instance-Musahar who has been living by catching rats does not accept cooked food or water from Chamar and vice-versa.
Intercaste marriage is considered a taboo i.e., a Musahar cannot marry a Chamar and vice-versa. Among the Terai Dalits, the Halkhor and the Doms are worst hit by caste-based discrimination and discrimination within themselves. If the Tatma accidentally has a physical contact with a Dom, the former purifies himself/herself by sprinkling water. Moreover the Dooms are not even allowed to use the tube well belonging to the Tatmas (Jha, 2005).
The hierarchy of tarai dalits is illustrated in figure 4.3.1 as
Caste
Occupation
Tatma
weaver
Chamar
leather worker
Musahar
earth-worker
Dhobi
washerman
Dom
sweeper
Halkhor
sweeper
Though the entire three Dalits group contain internal hierarchical structure within them, among them also the Terai Dalits are considered socially, economically and politically backward than the other two.The Doms are treated by all the Dalit castes of Tarai village in the same way as they are treated by the non-dalits .
Certain Dalits have emulated the customs and traditions of the upper caste people under the process known as “Sanskritization”. The National Report says, “Over the last 15-20 years, three groups namely Sudi, Kalwar and Teli have socially upgraded their status from the untouchables to the water acceptable community within the Tarai origin Hindu caste groups” (Jha, 2005).
5. Conclusion
There is no particular and clear description about the origin of Dalits. The religion describes it as created by God whereas the literature shows it is based on occupation. The Dalits have been a victim of psychological and physical violence from the upper caste be it the caste group or ethnic groups who are supposed to be superior to them.
However they are not discriminated by the so-called higher caste people only, in Hindu system, but also by people within the same caste. What’s more striking is that there is also discrimination among these groups who practice untouchability among themselves as superior or inferior group. There exists hierarchy of upper and lower caste. The top echelons of the community do not dine, marry, or even sometimes touch the lowest sub-caste.
No doubt there has been launched a campaign at the organizational level by oppressed caste to oppose discrimination. Still open entry into the house and marital relation are far from being materialized. The prevailing hierarchical structure and the practice of untouchability within Dalits is dividing them and disturbing the battle plans of getting liberated from the age old discrimination of caste system. If the Hindus expect equal treatment from the West, it is essential that they should give same treatment to their Dalit community. By the same token, if the Dalits want equal treatment from the non-Dalit Hindus, they should also avoid discrimination among themselves.
The caste based Hindus, follow a hierarchy of status codified by Jayasthiti Malla in 14th century. This 1854 “Old Legal Code of Nepal” lists four hierarchical caste grouping: those wearing the sacred thread, those consuming liquor, those from whom water may not be accepted by higher caste and those whose water is not acceptable and whose touch requires purification (Hofer, 1979). The latter two groupings are the Dalits, or untouchables. In this manufactured caste hierarchy, Brahmins lie at the top and, Sudras, or Dalits lie at the bottom of society. Besides the caste groups, there are about 60 ethnic group in the country (Luitel, 2003). Outlawed in year 1963 itself, without no strong action against it, the practice of untouchability still exists in all part of the country.
Nepalese society is clearly split into touchables and untouchables. The Dalits (untouchables) have been a victim of psychological and physical violence from the upper caste group be it the caste or ethnic group who are supposed to be superior to them. There is also discrimination among these groups who practice untouchability among themselves as superior and inferior group. Unfortunately even within an impoverished group that is emotionally called Dalits or the untouchables, someone is higher and someone is lower. Thus, the practice of untouchability penetrated down to the untouchables. As a result, it went down to the extent of making discrimination between touchable and untouchable castes within the untouchable’s community itself.
An untouchable is more polluting to another higher-ranking Untouchable than, say, a “Non-enslavable Alcohol- Drinkers” is to another higher ranking “Non-enslavable Alcohol- Drinkers” (Hofer, 1979).
This paper attempts to give insight into existing form of hierarchy within the untouchables/Dalits and on what basis this hierarchy has sustained.
2. Defining the Dalits
A ‘Dalit’- formerly called untouchable-is a person outside the four castes and considered below them. In India Harijan is the term used for Dalits which means “Children of God”. Many Dalit consider “Harijan” condescending and prefer the term Dalit translated as “crushed”, “stepped on” or “oppressed”. Untouchables refer to those sections of Indian society that are economically dependant and exploited, victims of many kinds of discrimination, and ritually polluted in permanent way (Deliege, 1999).
The literal meaning of Dalit in Nepali dictionary is ‘the person who is suppressed”. In the context of South Asia, Dalit is a common term used to address culturally, economically and socially marginalized individual or communities. Some others have interpreted the word Dalit as derivative from daldal or swamp from where it is difficult to extricate. However some say that the term ‘Dalit’ should be exclusively used to refer to the lowest hierarchy of the Hindu caste society, i.e., those considered ‘untouchable’.
The proposed Bill on Dalits in Nepal by National Dalit Commission has defined ‘Dalit’ as “those communities who by virtue of atrocities of caste-based discrimination and untouchability, are most backward in social, economic, educational, political and religious fields, and are deprived of human dignity and social justice (Dahal, 2002).
The term is also used to designate communities that in practice continue to be treated as Pani na chalne,choi chhito halnu parne (group or caste from whom water is not accepted, and whose touch requires sprinkling of water by the so-called high caste communities).
The Uppechhit, Utpidit ra Dalit Barga Utthan Bikas Samiti (Ignored, Oppressed and Dalit Group’s Upliftment Development Committee), formed under the Ministry of Local Development, has identified 23 different Dalit communities Lohar, Sunar, Kami, Damai, Kasai, Sarki, Badi, Gaine, Kusule, Kuche, Chyame, Chamar, Dhobi, Paswan (Dushad), Tatma, Batar, Khatbe, Musahar, Santhal Sattar and Halkhor.(Dahal, 2002).
Dalit category includes what one may call artisan or occupational castes-cobbler, tailor, leather worker, washer man, sweeper, laborers, weaver, metal worker, and so on. Engaging in these activities was considered to be polluting to the individual who performed them and this pollution was considered to be ‘contagious’ by the higher caste people.
3. Main Dalit Groups and their Occupation
As per the official statistics, the Dalits constitute 13 per cent of the total population of the country of 23,151,423. Of the Dalit population, 58.11% are of hill origin, 36.17% are of Madhesi origin in tarai and the remaining 5.72 per cent are Newari origin (Jha, 2005).
The National Dalit Strategy Report (2002) prepared for the government of Nepal, enumerates the traditional occupations of Dalit communities. The Kamis caste makes new agricultural tools and household utensils. They also repair them as needed. They are the largest Dalit group according to the 1991 census. They comprise 44 percent of all Dalits and 5.2 percent of the total population of Nepal.
A goldsmith, or Sunar, makes golden or silver ornaments upon request by the clients. The Parkis are basket weavers. The Chunara, a blacksmith group of far-western Nepal, makes utensils from wood. Damai castes work as a tailor and drummers. In Damai group, both men and women are tailors who sew clothes. They are the second largest population, 17 percent of all Dalits.
The Sarki are leatherworkers who make shoes and other product from the body of dead animals. They are the third largest Dalit group, at 12 per cent. The Badis are singers and dancers, with a significant number of women co-opted into prostitution. The Gaines is wonderful musician, who entertain by singing songs.
The Tarai dalits such as Chamar are leather workers. They make and polish shoes as well as dispose of dead animals for clients. The Tatmas are weavers the Doms are basket makers. The Halkhor are sweepers who clean the streets and bathrooms for the government as well as individual households. No other Dalits would accept food or water from them.
Dhobis are washer man by profession. They make a relatively good living compared to other Dalits and, at 21 percent, have one of the highest literacy rates.The Dalits of Kathmandu valley, particularly the Chyame, Pode and Halahulu have a monopoly in cleaning public and private bathrooms, hotels and government offices. The Kasai (Khadgi) are traditionally butchers and Kusle(Kapali) are sweepers. Both of them are also musician providing specified type of music on different type of social and religious occasions.
(Dahal et al, 2002)
3.1 The Hierarchy of Low caste according to Muluki Ain of 1854.
Caste
Caste specific profession(s)
Ethnicity
N-Newar,P-Parbatiya
Castes from whom water may not be accepted but whose touch does not necessitate purification
Kasai
butcher,milk-seller
N
Kusle
death-specialists, musician
N
Hindu Dhobi
washermen
N
Kulu
drum-makers
N
Musalman (Muslim)
bangle-seller
others
Mleccha( Westerners)
others
Castes whose touch necessitates purification
Kami
blacksmith
P
Sarki
leather workers
P
Kadara ( offspring of Kami-Sarki union)
P
Damai
tailor,musicians
P
Gaine
minstrels
P
Badi
musician
P
Pode( Dyahla)
sweepers,guardians,scavenger
N
Cyame ( Cyamkhalah)
sweeper,scavenger
N
Source: - Adapted from Hofer, 1979.
4. Hierarchy within Dalits
Dalits are hierarchically structured with Hill dalit, Newar dalit and Tarai dalit occupying different rungs on the social ladder. The hierarchy within Dalit group is partly based on eating habits and partly on caste occupation. It is however wrong to think that the hierarchy is confined to just these two. Sex is equally governed by this consideration. The top sub-caste of the community do not dine, marry or sometimes even touch the lowest layers.
4.1 Hill Dalits
Among the dalits, the Kami are considered highest in the social rank and never accept food or water from any Dalit groups below them. Kami and Sarki regard other community like Damai untouchable, while there does exist inequality even between Kami and Sarki. Although they intermarry and consider themselves of equal ranking, they never accept water and bhat from one another, whereas they mutually accept roasted and fried food (Hofer, 1979).
There are two levels of Sarki in western Nepal-with caste and without caste, which is called Bhool. This community treats itself equal to Kami (Jha, 2005). According to the Law Code (Muluki Ain) of 1854, Children begotten by Sarki from Kami women, or by Kamis from Sarki women, belong to the Kadara caste (Hofer, 1979). The next higher are the Kadara. Damais take water from their hands, but (Kadara) does not do so from the hands of Damai.
The Kami and the Damai, for example, regard bodily contact with each other as polluting. The same is true of sexual intercourse between the Kami and Damai. On the other hand Damais treat communities like Gaine untouchable. According to the Law Code they do not take food from Gaine and also refuse to take bhat from the off spring of a marriage between a Damai man and Gaine woman. The next higher are the Gaine (minstrel, singers) because they do not accept food from the Badi and because they live on singing, playing music and begging (Hofer, 1979).
The hierarchy of hill dalits is illustrated in figure 4.1.1 as:-
Caste
Occupation
Kami
blacksmith
Sarki
tanner, shoemaker
Kadara(union of Kami and Sarki)
minstrel and metal worker
Damai
tailors and musicians
Gaine
minstrels
Badi
musicians
4.2 Newar Dalits
The state of caste discrimination and untouchability appears to be slightly different from that of hill and terai dalits. The Newar Dalits includes Khadgi(Kasai), Kapali(Kusle) and Dyahla(Pode).Particularly they are settled in Lalitpur , Kathmandu and Bhaktapur also.There are other Newar Dalits :the Carmakar(Kulu)or Drum-Makers, the Vadyakar(Dom) or Musician, the Rajaka(Dhobi,Dhubya) or Washerman and the Chyamkhala(Chyame) who are sweepers and scavengers.
Khadgis(Kasai ) are traditionally butchers. They also play musical instrument called, Naykhin, in funeral procession as well as at different festivals in Kathmandu valley. According the the Law Code, the Khadgi rank highest of the Newar dalis because they will not accept water and rice from any other low castes and do not take bhat form the akusle either, and because all superior castes accept milk from them (Hofer, 1979). Khadgis, rank high is certainly connected to the fact that, to a greater extent than any other low cates, they reproduce the inter-caste service system of the higher castes. They are the only Newar dalits served by the Kapali at death, and they are the only dalits to have priests of a higher rank than themselves. These are the so-called Nay Gubhaju i.e Khadgi Vajracharya (Gellner and Quigley, 1995)
The Kapalis’(Kusle) relatively high rank within the low castes is justified in the Law Code by the fact that they serve as a sweeper in temple and palaces and that they play music in temples(Gellner and Quigley,1995).The Kapali are the death specialists who accept the impure offerings made on the seventh day after a death. They also accept death offerings from Khadgis, thus indicating that they accept the latter’s superiority to them. Within Kapalis also the roles of priest, barber and receiver of death are filled by other Kapalis themselves. The barber and receiver of the death receiver come from a lower Kapali sub-caste called Danya also referred to as Napi. The Dom is another separate sub-caste, said to be the offspring of Kapali men and lower-caste wives; it is they who accept the death offerings from Khadgi.
The Dhobis as by the name indicates are the washer man. They do not accept food from the eight aforesaid castes (see table 3.1) and because they enter certain rooms of the higher castes, i.e., of their clients (Gellner and Quigley, 1995). Carmarkar (Kulu) are leather-workers. According to the Law Code, Kulus do not accept cooked rice or water from Dalits below them, and have not begotten any children from girls belonging to these castes and also because (Kulus) have been undergoing expiation in the customary manner in the event of taking cooked rice or water touched by Damai, Kamai and Sarki, or of being involved in sexual relations with them (Hofer, 1979).
No Newar low caste eat carrion or remove dead cows, as the Sarkis do, and they consider themselves superior to the Sarki for that reason(Gellnar and Quigley, 1995).
We now come to the untouchable castes. According to the Law Code the Pode and Chyame rank the lowest because they accept everyone else polluted food. Chyame are the lower since they are the only one who cleans up faecal matter. The 1854 Law Code ranked the Cyamkhalah(Chyame) lower since its members take food left over by all other caste from, Upadhaya to Pode. In Panautia Cyamkhalah comes once a year from Bhaktapur to dispose of inauspicious offerings made by local Dyahla (Gellnar and Quigley 1995). The caste of Pode is higher than that of Chyame since its member take food left over by the other castes, but not by the Chyame caste. The lowest of the Newar Dalits are Harhures(baseless). Their ancestry is unknown and they live on begging. They are often seen begging on occasions like Gathemangal.
The hierarchy of newar dalits is illustrated in figure 4.2.1 as
Caste
Occupation
Kasai (Khadgis)
butcher
Kusle ( Kapali)
musician
Newar Dhobi
washerman
Kulu
tanner
Pode (Dyahla)
skinner and fisherman
Chyame ( Cyamkhalah)
scavenger
4.3 Tarai Dalits
The Tarai Dalits are considered socially, economically and politically backward than the above two- Hill Dalits and Newar Dalits.The Tarai Dalits, as any other caste-origin Hindu groups, have some distinct cultural features like hierarchical structure, hereditary basis of membership, endogamy and purity and pollution. The Dalits of the Tarai are treated as ‘Dalits of the Dalits’ due to their backwardness as compared to the hill Dalits of the country (Jha, 2005).
Chamar,Dusadh,Khatwe,Tatma,Musahar,Halkhor,Dhobi,Doms are the major Dalits group in the Tarai who are treated as untouchables.
Like the other groups, even today they follow a strict hierarchical division with them, with Tatma (Tanti or weaver) as the highest group and Halkhor (sweeper) as the lowest group. No other Dalit will accept food or water from the Halkhor. For instance-Musahar who has been living by catching rats does not accept cooked food or water from Chamar and vice-versa.
Intercaste marriage is considered a taboo i.e., a Musahar cannot marry a Chamar and vice-versa. Among the Terai Dalits, the Halkhor and the Doms are worst hit by caste-based discrimination and discrimination within themselves. If the Tatma accidentally has a physical contact with a Dom, the former purifies himself/herself by sprinkling water. Moreover the Dooms are not even allowed to use the tube well belonging to the Tatmas (Jha, 2005).
The hierarchy of tarai dalits is illustrated in figure 4.3.1 as
Caste
Occupation
Tatma
weaver
Chamar
leather worker
Musahar
earth-worker
Dhobi
washerman
Dom
sweeper
Halkhor
sweeper
Though the entire three Dalits group contain internal hierarchical structure within them, among them also the Terai Dalits are considered socially, economically and politically backward than the other two.The Doms are treated by all the Dalit castes of Tarai village in the same way as they are treated by the non-dalits .
Certain Dalits have emulated the customs and traditions of the upper caste people under the process known as “Sanskritization”. The National Report says, “Over the last 15-20 years, three groups namely Sudi, Kalwar and Teli have socially upgraded their status from the untouchables to the water acceptable community within the Tarai origin Hindu caste groups” (Jha, 2005).
5. Conclusion
There is no particular and clear description about the origin of Dalits. The religion describes it as created by God whereas the literature shows it is based on occupation. The Dalits have been a victim of psychological and physical violence from the upper caste be it the caste group or ethnic groups who are supposed to be superior to them.
However they are not discriminated by the so-called higher caste people only, in Hindu system, but also by people within the same caste. What’s more striking is that there is also discrimination among these groups who practice untouchability among themselves as superior or inferior group. There exists hierarchy of upper and lower caste. The top echelons of the community do not dine, marry, or even sometimes touch the lowest sub-caste.
No doubt there has been launched a campaign at the organizational level by oppressed caste to oppose discrimination. Still open entry into the house and marital relation are far from being materialized. The prevailing hierarchical structure and the practice of untouchability within Dalits is dividing them and disturbing the battle plans of getting liberated from the age old discrimination of caste system. If the Hindus expect equal treatment from the West, it is essential that they should give same treatment to their Dalit community. By the same token, if the Dalits want equal treatment from the non-Dalit Hindus, they should also avoid discrimination among themselves.
Hinduism and Untouchables
The word Hindu is derived from the river Sindhu or Indus. Hindu was primarily a geographical term that referred to India or to a region of India as long ago as the 6th century BC. Hinduism is a synthesis of the religion brought into India by the Aryans (1500 B.C.) and indigenous religion.
When the Aryans moved across India from their foothold in the northwest, they conquered yet more people. To place the newly conquered groups into their society, the Aryans created a new caste. However poorly off the Shudras were at the bottom of the caste system, the members of the new category were even worse off, for the new caste was placed below the Shudras. In fact, the Untouchables were put outside the caste system altogether; they were outcastes. The purity regulations were such that not even the Shudras would relate to them, and they were assigned the worst occupations, such as latrine cleaners, leather tanners, and so on.
According to the classical religious text of Hinduism, the population is divided into four ranked categories called Varnas. Each Varnas have its own rights and duties. In the Hindu social system in Nepal, the Varna Vaivastha is very important. The literature meaning of the world is "color". There are four Varnas: the Brahman, the Kshatriya, the Vaisya and the Sudras and they have four colors signifying their cultural identity.
From the stand point of the Great Tradition represent by the Vedas, Untouchables have no place at all. The absence of untouchable from the Verna scheme may arise simply from the later emergence of this social condition: the weight of opinion suggests that untouchability only crystallized in the second century of the Common Era, whereas the varna principle seems to have been established over one thousand years earlier. Varna classification has persisted as a representation of the whole Hindu order; the position of untouchables as Hindus has been contradictory.
(Mender Sohn.O & Vieziany 2000)
Untouchables are the very bottom elements of society in both status and economic terms and have undergone a profound change in their view of themselves and the society around them. People are engaged in a specific occupation: Brahman priest, Kshatriya warriors, and Vaisya merchants. The lowest ranking is Shudras or occupational groups or untouchables (Nep.Achhut, Dalit) the orthodox high caste Nepalese attitude is that untouchables are regarded just as a service caste. The Kami exist to make metal work, the Damai live to sew clothes, the Sarki's sole purposes on the earth is to make shoes, and the only reason for the Badi is provide sex (Subedi:1995)
Caste status is determined by birth. People from low castes are considered inherently inferior and are related to a disadvantaged position, regardless of their behavior. In the Reg Veda it is said that the Brahman born from the highest part of the Brahma, his mouth possessed godly power. He was to teach the Vedas, perform sacrifices to the Kshatriya and Vaisya, and accept gift from them in exchange. The Kshatriya, born from the arms of Purusa, possessed royal power. He was to fight enemies, give gift and food to Brahamana and protect the Vaishya. The Vaishya, born from the things of thePurusa, possessed productive power.He was to produced wealth for Brahman and Kshatriya through in exchange for protection. The origin of sudra, from the feet of purusa, followed a code enjoining him to serve the Brahaman, Kshatriya and Vaisya in exchange for maintenance. Brahmin and Kahtriya were considered twice born because they go through an initiation ceremony and are allowed studying the sacred texts. The sudras are supposed to be the servants to the twice-born Varnas.
. The Varna system is a set of ideas developed to explain an early division of labor, but these ideas have always been interpreted in different, contradictory ways.
It is generally agreed that the opposition between pure and impure is manifested in some macroscopic form in the contrast between the two extreme categories: Brahmans and untouchables. The Brahmans being in principle priests, occupy the supreme rank with respect to the whole set of castes. (Dumont 1980:46-7)
Caste system and untouchable in Ancient and Modern Period of Nepal
During the Lichhavi rule in Kathmandu valley Jayasthiti Raj Malla introduced as elaborate system of 64 castes among the Newars. In Gorkha, Ram Shah adopted this model into a less structured form. Then after Sen rulers of Palpa claimed to a Hindupati. These theocratic tendencies were against Muslim hegemony in Mugal Indian. But with the decline of the Mughal, there emerged another power in the plains: the British rules with Christain faith. Such a historical compulsion led to the primacy of Brahman orthodoxy in the Nepalese court to construct a Hindu haven against Mughal (muslim) and British (Christain) regime.Therefore the designation of Muslim and Europeans beef eaters as impure in the Muluki Ain.
The old Muluki Ain of 1854 was promulgated by Janga Bahadur that specified and categorized the schedule of social offenses punishable by law. Punishment for an offense was determined by taking into account the caste of the offender and of the victim. In 1936 the new Muluki Ain was promulgated by King Mahendra, while it did not do not away with the idea of caste altogether, did make discrimination on the basis of caste illegal in the courts, in education, and in employment. ( P.R. Sharma's articles)
The main significance of the Muluki Ain encompassed all people under the Gorkhalis rule. Another important feature was its modification from the classical form which reflected the political dominance of three Parbatiya castes: Bahun, Thakuri, Chetri. Not only were the Tarai Brahmans ranked in a lower position than Parbatiya Chetri, the hill caste system had provisions for cooperation throught miscegenation by legitimizing hypergamy ( Sharma, 1993)
The impact of the Muluki Ain feld most among the non-Hindu groups, mainly Mongoloid, who had been inducted from egalitarian jati to hierarchical caste and associated norms.
Muluki Ain, 1854 was a written version of social code that had been in Practice for several centuries in Nepal. Its caste categories diverged from the four Varna of the classical vedic model and instead had three categories to accommodate the tribal peoples between the pure and impure castes. These were further classified into five hiereachies with the following order of precedence.
Wearers of holy cord ( caste)
Non-enslavable Alcohol-Drinkers ( ethnic)
Enslavable Alcohol – Drinkers (ethnic)
Impure but touchables caste ( ethnic, other caste and outsiders)
Impure and untouchables caste ( caste)
The first hierarchy as pure, tarai Brahman was ranked below chhetri and Newar Brahman. Newar Brahman was similarly placed below the Chhetri. The second hierarchy included Magar and Gurung, long associated with Gorkha regime, and also sunuwar who had received the lal mohar (royal seal) of being Hindu in 1825. There was not reference to Rai and Limbu, the last tribals to succumb to the Gorkhali rule. The third hierarchy had Bhote, some smaller tribes and descendents of freed slaves (Gharti). The fourth and the fifth hierarchies were considered impure castes with the distinction of the former as 'touchable' (no water sprinkling needed after contact) and the later as untouchable
(purification necessary after contact). The lowest hierarchy had six artisans of the hill and two Newar scavenger sub groups.
The Muluki Ain was silent about the status of Masdise (tarai) caste, be it touchable or untouchable. There was discrimination in the extent of punishment for crimes according to the caste hierarchy of the person. The rule was one of higher penalty for those in upper hierarchies or the extent of penalty was tied to the level of ritual purity. The Newars had the following gradation.
Hierarchy Sub group
Shrestha (Hindu) 70
Bada (Buddhist) 60
Jyapu (Framer) 40
Nrtisan caste (Hindu) 35
Impure but touchable (Mixed) 15
Impure and untouchable (Hindu) 10
The old legal code, Muluki Ain: Nepal constitution- 1990 guarantees the right to equality by stating that the state shall not discriminate against citizens on the basis of religion, color, sex, caste, ethnicity or belief (Article 11.3). However the above constitutional right is negated by a claude in the Muluki Ain as amended in 1992 which stresses that the traditional practices at religious places shall not be considered as discriminatory. This means that those castes once categorized untouchable would still have no access to shrine and temples. In the same way, adherence to traditional practices would imply exclusion of untouchable castes and therefore, inequality in other spheres also. Thus caste discrimination and untouchables has remained a fact of everyday life in the world's only Hindu Kingdom.
Muluki Ain is a document of great historical legal and cultural interests for scholar on Nepal, by which all people in Nepal, high and low were supposed to have been judged ( sharma 2004). This Muluki Ain divided Nepali people into the following hierarchy:
-Tagadhawri
-Matawali
-Pani nachalne and chori- chhoi parne
-Pani nachale chhoi chitto halnu parne.
The Dalit of Nepal remains socially excluded, economically exploited and politically suppressed. The source of such oppression is the state's religious ideology that sanctifies inequality based on caste. The revised Muluki Ain 1963 retains vestiges of discrimination with terms like high and low caste, religious segregation and vagueness in clauses on untouchable. Since the Dalit plight is of least concern to higher castes, there is paucity of hard data on the extent of their deprivation. The data available on the education level; and incidence of poverty provide clear evidence of the correlation between caste hierarchy, literacy and economic status.
The livelihood problem of the Dalit is mainly due to lack of farmland as they are dependent on artisan occupation and wage work. Furthermore, their traditional skills are being made redundant with intrusion of mass produced goods and new technologies. The depressed status of the Dalit is evident from their low levels of literacy, low income, and low life expectancy. The fate of Dalit is one of a vicious circle. Caste discrimination marginalizes them from economic opportunity, which in turn leads to further dependence and destitution. Since they are unable to complete economically and politically due to social exclusion, constitutional provisions pertaining to equality of opportunity remains a mere rhetoric. Therefore such a condition of exploitation based on caste can be tackled only through the initiative of affirmative action.
Conclusion
The main forms of discrimination include, denial of entry, service and access to common resource forced labor, discrimination in education, employment, politics and development works and atrocities against Dalit women. Although Dalit specialize in skills such as metal, leather, wooden, stitching and singing works, they live in poverty because of the practices of caste based untouchability and discrimination. The work culture has been "hated" and non-working culture has been promoted by the high caste".
When the Aryans moved across India from their foothold in the northwest, they conquered yet more people. To place the newly conquered groups into their society, the Aryans created a new caste. However poorly off the Shudras were at the bottom of the caste system, the members of the new category were even worse off, for the new caste was placed below the Shudras. In fact, the Untouchables were put outside the caste system altogether; they were outcastes. The purity regulations were such that not even the Shudras would relate to them, and they were assigned the worst occupations, such as latrine cleaners, leather tanners, and so on.
According to the classical religious text of Hinduism, the population is divided into four ranked categories called Varnas. Each Varnas have its own rights and duties. In the Hindu social system in Nepal, the Varna Vaivastha is very important. The literature meaning of the world is "color". There are four Varnas: the Brahman, the Kshatriya, the Vaisya and the Sudras and they have four colors signifying their cultural identity.
From the stand point of the Great Tradition represent by the Vedas, Untouchables have no place at all. The absence of untouchable from the Verna scheme may arise simply from the later emergence of this social condition: the weight of opinion suggests that untouchability only crystallized in the second century of the Common Era, whereas the varna principle seems to have been established over one thousand years earlier. Varna classification has persisted as a representation of the whole Hindu order; the position of untouchables as Hindus has been contradictory.
(Mender Sohn.O & Vieziany 2000)
Untouchables are the very bottom elements of society in both status and economic terms and have undergone a profound change in their view of themselves and the society around them. People are engaged in a specific occupation: Brahman priest, Kshatriya warriors, and Vaisya merchants. The lowest ranking is Shudras or occupational groups or untouchables (Nep.Achhut, Dalit) the orthodox high caste Nepalese attitude is that untouchables are regarded just as a service caste. The Kami exist to make metal work, the Damai live to sew clothes, the Sarki's sole purposes on the earth is to make shoes, and the only reason for the Badi is provide sex (Subedi:1995)
Caste status is determined by birth. People from low castes are considered inherently inferior and are related to a disadvantaged position, regardless of their behavior. In the Reg Veda it is said that the Brahman born from the highest part of the Brahma, his mouth possessed godly power. He was to teach the Vedas, perform sacrifices to the Kshatriya and Vaisya, and accept gift from them in exchange. The Kshatriya, born from the arms of Purusa, possessed royal power. He was to fight enemies, give gift and food to Brahamana and protect the Vaishya. The Vaishya, born from the things of thePurusa, possessed productive power.He was to produced wealth for Brahman and Kshatriya through in exchange for protection. The origin of sudra, from the feet of purusa, followed a code enjoining him to serve the Brahaman, Kshatriya and Vaisya in exchange for maintenance. Brahmin and Kahtriya were considered twice born because they go through an initiation ceremony and are allowed studying the sacred texts. The sudras are supposed to be the servants to the twice-born Varnas.
. The Varna system is a set of ideas developed to explain an early division of labor, but these ideas have always been interpreted in different, contradictory ways.
It is generally agreed that the opposition between pure and impure is manifested in some macroscopic form in the contrast between the two extreme categories: Brahmans and untouchables. The Brahmans being in principle priests, occupy the supreme rank with respect to the whole set of castes. (Dumont 1980:46-7)
Caste system and untouchable in Ancient and Modern Period of Nepal
During the Lichhavi rule in Kathmandu valley Jayasthiti Raj Malla introduced as elaborate system of 64 castes among the Newars. In Gorkha, Ram Shah adopted this model into a less structured form. Then after Sen rulers of Palpa claimed to a Hindupati. These theocratic tendencies were against Muslim hegemony in Mugal Indian. But with the decline of the Mughal, there emerged another power in the plains: the British rules with Christain faith. Such a historical compulsion led to the primacy of Brahman orthodoxy in the Nepalese court to construct a Hindu haven against Mughal (muslim) and British (Christain) regime.Therefore the designation of Muslim and Europeans beef eaters as impure in the Muluki Ain.
The old Muluki Ain of 1854 was promulgated by Janga Bahadur that specified and categorized the schedule of social offenses punishable by law. Punishment for an offense was determined by taking into account the caste of the offender and of the victim. In 1936 the new Muluki Ain was promulgated by King Mahendra, while it did not do not away with the idea of caste altogether, did make discrimination on the basis of caste illegal in the courts, in education, and in employment. ( P.R. Sharma's articles)
The main significance of the Muluki Ain encompassed all people under the Gorkhalis rule. Another important feature was its modification from the classical form which reflected the political dominance of three Parbatiya castes: Bahun, Thakuri, Chetri. Not only were the Tarai Brahmans ranked in a lower position than Parbatiya Chetri, the hill caste system had provisions for cooperation throught miscegenation by legitimizing hypergamy ( Sharma, 1993)
The impact of the Muluki Ain feld most among the non-Hindu groups, mainly Mongoloid, who had been inducted from egalitarian jati to hierarchical caste and associated norms.
Muluki Ain, 1854 was a written version of social code that had been in Practice for several centuries in Nepal. Its caste categories diverged from the four Varna of the classical vedic model and instead had three categories to accommodate the tribal peoples between the pure and impure castes. These were further classified into five hiereachies with the following order of precedence.
Wearers of holy cord ( caste)
Non-enslavable Alcohol-Drinkers ( ethnic)
Enslavable Alcohol – Drinkers (ethnic)
Impure but touchables caste ( ethnic, other caste and outsiders)
Impure and untouchables caste ( caste)
The first hierarchy as pure, tarai Brahman was ranked below chhetri and Newar Brahman. Newar Brahman was similarly placed below the Chhetri. The second hierarchy included Magar and Gurung, long associated with Gorkha regime, and also sunuwar who had received the lal mohar (royal seal) of being Hindu in 1825. There was not reference to Rai and Limbu, the last tribals to succumb to the Gorkhali rule. The third hierarchy had Bhote, some smaller tribes and descendents of freed slaves (Gharti). The fourth and the fifth hierarchies were considered impure castes with the distinction of the former as 'touchable' (no water sprinkling needed after contact) and the later as untouchable
(purification necessary after contact). The lowest hierarchy had six artisans of the hill and two Newar scavenger sub groups.
The Muluki Ain was silent about the status of Masdise (tarai) caste, be it touchable or untouchable. There was discrimination in the extent of punishment for crimes according to the caste hierarchy of the person. The rule was one of higher penalty for those in upper hierarchies or the extent of penalty was tied to the level of ritual purity. The Newars had the following gradation.
Hierarchy Sub group
Shrestha (Hindu) 70
Bada (Buddhist) 60
Jyapu (Framer) 40
Nrtisan caste (Hindu) 35
Impure but touchable (Mixed) 15
Impure and untouchable (Hindu) 10
The old legal code, Muluki Ain: Nepal constitution- 1990 guarantees the right to equality by stating that the state shall not discriminate against citizens on the basis of religion, color, sex, caste, ethnicity or belief (Article 11.3). However the above constitutional right is negated by a claude in the Muluki Ain as amended in 1992 which stresses that the traditional practices at religious places shall not be considered as discriminatory. This means that those castes once categorized untouchable would still have no access to shrine and temples. In the same way, adherence to traditional practices would imply exclusion of untouchable castes and therefore, inequality in other spheres also. Thus caste discrimination and untouchables has remained a fact of everyday life in the world's only Hindu Kingdom.
Muluki Ain is a document of great historical legal and cultural interests for scholar on Nepal, by which all people in Nepal, high and low were supposed to have been judged ( sharma 2004). This Muluki Ain divided Nepali people into the following hierarchy:
-Tagadhawri
-Matawali
-Pani nachalne and chori- chhoi parne
-Pani nachale chhoi chitto halnu parne.
The Dalit of Nepal remains socially excluded, economically exploited and politically suppressed. The source of such oppression is the state's religious ideology that sanctifies inequality based on caste. The revised Muluki Ain 1963 retains vestiges of discrimination with terms like high and low caste, religious segregation and vagueness in clauses on untouchable. Since the Dalit plight is of least concern to higher castes, there is paucity of hard data on the extent of their deprivation. The data available on the education level; and incidence of poverty provide clear evidence of the correlation between caste hierarchy, literacy and economic status.
The livelihood problem of the Dalit is mainly due to lack of farmland as they are dependent on artisan occupation and wage work. Furthermore, their traditional skills are being made redundant with intrusion of mass produced goods and new technologies. The depressed status of the Dalit is evident from their low levels of literacy, low income, and low life expectancy. The fate of Dalit is one of a vicious circle. Caste discrimination marginalizes them from economic opportunity, which in turn leads to further dependence and destitution. Since they are unable to complete economically and politically due to social exclusion, constitutional provisions pertaining to equality of opportunity remains a mere rhetoric. Therefore such a condition of exploitation based on caste can be tackled only through the initiative of affirmative action.
Conclusion
The main forms of discrimination include, denial of entry, service and access to common resource forced labor, discrimination in education, employment, politics and development works and atrocities against Dalit women. Although Dalit specialize in skills such as metal, leather, wooden, stitching and singing works, they live in poverty because of the practices of caste based untouchability and discrimination. The work culture has been "hated" and non-working culture has been promoted by the high caste".
Sunday, January 21, 2007
Ethno medicine: brief introduction
Ethno medicine is the study of the traditional medical practice. It can take in methods of diagnosis and treatment. It is used within various societies and developed before the era of modern medicine.
These include broad areas such as herbal medicine, Ayurvedic medicine, acupuncture, traditional Chinese medicine and homeopathy. Most of the ancient human beings adopted different therapeutic depending upon climatic and faunal characteristic, and upon peculiar cultural and socio-structural typologies. It investigates dynamic, complex and fluid, and the deep relatively of body descriptions.
About 80% of the world's population depends wholly or partially on traditional medicine for its primary health care needs (wambebe 1990). But in Nepalese context about 70-80% rural People depend on the traditional medicine for health care. Nepal is rich in cultural, ethnic group, language and also in herbal medicine. There are various species of herbal found in Mountain region of Nepal is known by bank of herbal medicine.
The Himalayan region is rich in diverse, traditional medical knowledge systems due to cultural and environmental diversity. Hundreds of ethnic minority groups have developed their traditional medical knowledge system and they are still being used. Most of the families use the folk medicine.
The indigenous knowledge in biodiversity management is useful for the development. Excessive collection of timber, fuel wood, food plants and commercial exploitation of medical plants has provided a great deal of vulnerability to individual species. By nature, forests serve as the best biodiversity habitats of ethno medicinal plants.
Tourists coming on excursion, trekking or mountaineering rampantly collect botanical specimens. In the expedition for revenue generation, the policy of the Forest Department regarding clear felling of forest trees causes severe loss of habitat for a myriad of species. Similarly outdated measure of a forestation has led to substantial loss of medicinal plant biodiversity. Cattle grazing are one of the most destructive activities.
The medical plants used in the local health traditions are gradually becoming extinct due to developmental activities, population explosion and other prehistoric reasons. In order to reverse this trend, domestication of wild medicinal plants is utmost importance. Farmers should be involved in the cultivation of medicinal plants at least in their barren and fallow land. This would argument their income and in turn helps in the conservation of the species.
Many ethnic groups have depended on natural resources. For these people, plants from an integral part of their culture, and information about plants are passed on one generation to another through oral folklore, it often being kept secret. The use of natural herbal drugs to alleviate suffering is perhaps as old as the origin of man himself on this planet. Plants and animals with medicinal properties were held in the highest esteem in indigenous medicine systems all over the world. All indigenous remedies have originated directly or indirectly from folklore, and rituals or measures hold the key to the treasures of folk medicinal knowledge and ethno medico-botany.
The use of herbal medicine reflects the long history of human interaction with the environment. The earliest uses were documented in the Vedas from about 4500 to 600 BC representing the oldest repository. Ancient literature as well as modern scientific record of traditional medical knowledge provides evidence that medical resources for the mountain people's health care systems in the Himalayan Region are constituted of natural environmental resources.
Mountain cultures are understood as the context of biodiversity resource management which is importance for mountain people's health care. In conclusion ethno medicinal plant work related to medicinal plants and ethnic groups, culture. Nepal is rich in ethno medicinal plants. Due to low productive soil, most of them move toward wild medicinal plants for the subsistence. They are engaged particularly in collecting medicinal herbs and raw food items as part of their traditional ventures
These include broad areas such as herbal medicine, Ayurvedic medicine, acupuncture, traditional Chinese medicine and homeopathy. Most of the ancient human beings adopted different therapeutic depending upon climatic and faunal characteristic, and upon peculiar cultural and socio-structural typologies. It investigates dynamic, complex and fluid, and the deep relatively of body descriptions.
About 80% of the world's population depends wholly or partially on traditional medicine for its primary health care needs (wambebe 1990). But in Nepalese context about 70-80% rural People depend on the traditional medicine for health care. Nepal is rich in cultural, ethnic group, language and also in herbal medicine. There are various species of herbal found in Mountain region of Nepal is known by bank of herbal medicine.
The Himalayan region is rich in diverse, traditional medical knowledge systems due to cultural and environmental diversity. Hundreds of ethnic minority groups have developed their traditional medical knowledge system and they are still being used. Most of the families use the folk medicine.
The indigenous knowledge in biodiversity management is useful for the development. Excessive collection of timber, fuel wood, food plants and commercial exploitation of medical plants has provided a great deal of vulnerability to individual species. By nature, forests serve as the best biodiversity habitats of ethno medicinal plants.
Tourists coming on excursion, trekking or mountaineering rampantly collect botanical specimens. In the expedition for revenue generation, the policy of the Forest Department regarding clear felling of forest trees causes severe loss of habitat for a myriad of species. Similarly outdated measure of a forestation has led to substantial loss of medicinal plant biodiversity. Cattle grazing are one of the most destructive activities.
The medical plants used in the local health traditions are gradually becoming extinct due to developmental activities, population explosion and other prehistoric reasons. In order to reverse this trend, domestication of wild medicinal plants is utmost importance. Farmers should be involved in the cultivation of medicinal plants at least in their barren and fallow land. This would argument their income and in turn helps in the conservation of the species.
Many ethnic groups have depended on natural resources. For these people, plants from an integral part of their culture, and information about plants are passed on one generation to another through oral folklore, it often being kept secret. The use of natural herbal drugs to alleviate suffering is perhaps as old as the origin of man himself on this planet. Plants and animals with medicinal properties were held in the highest esteem in indigenous medicine systems all over the world. All indigenous remedies have originated directly or indirectly from folklore, and rituals or measures hold the key to the treasures of folk medicinal knowledge and ethno medico-botany.
The use of herbal medicine reflects the long history of human interaction with the environment. The earliest uses were documented in the Vedas from about 4500 to 600 BC representing the oldest repository. Ancient literature as well as modern scientific record of traditional medical knowledge provides evidence that medical resources for the mountain people's health care systems in the Himalayan Region are constituted of natural environmental resources.
Mountain cultures are understood as the context of biodiversity resource management which is importance for mountain people's health care. In conclusion ethno medicinal plant work related to medicinal plants and ethnic groups, culture. Nepal is rich in ethno medicinal plants. Due to low productive soil, most of them move toward wild medicinal plants for the subsistence. They are engaged particularly in collecting medicinal herbs and raw food items as part of their traditional ventures
Media And Gender
Introduction
Background
Media have been reflected of dominant values and work as an active agency aiming at reinforcing and strengthening dominant value structure. There is no doubt that mass media like TV, film, radio, newspapers and magazines mould opinion, thinking, attitudes and behavior. TV and films are more powerful and their reach and impact is greater than that of other media. All of these media have greater reach among men than women, but what catches the attention of the feminists and other concerned people is the unrealistic negative portrayal of women in these media.
The media select items for attention and provide ranking of what is and not important – in other words they 'set an agenda' for public opinion….The way the media choose theme, structure the dialogue and control the debate- a process which involves crucial omissions- is a major aspect of their influence. (R. Clairem, C.J. Daniel, 2003)
The media play a crucial role in all aspects of daily life. However, their influence is not limited to what we know. Media also affect how we learn about our world and interact with one another. That is, mass media are bound up with the process of social relations.
We live in a society that is saturated by mass media. While this may be obvious times of crisis such as the world Trade Center and Pentagon attacks, when hundreds of millions of people worldwide were engaged to their television sets, it is no less turn in ordinary time. For most of us printed news, film, radio, music television and the Internet are central parts of our daily lives. Understanding the relationship between media and society has become an important topic in various disciplines.
.To understands the media for citizen of twenty-first century provides a set of tools to help make sense of the dizzying arroyo of media related issues. The role of media in our individual lives in the context of social forces such as the economy politics, and technological development. Most of all want to understand the media and their impact on our society, we must consider the relationship between media and the social world.
Media play different roles in society. One reason why the media are often controversial is that different group expects the medial to play different and often incompatible roles. For audiences, the media can serve as entertainment and division as sources of information about the world beyond direct experience.
For media workers, the medial industry offers a job, with resulting income, prestige, and satisfaction as well as a place for the development of a professional identity. For media owners, the media are a source of profit and perhaps a source of political power. For society at large the media can be a way to transmit information and values and can serve as a check on the abuse of political and economic power.
The media can be analyzed according to feminist theories. Feminist has several faces and a considerable amount of literature has been recently produced by various feminist writers. There are different brands of feminism, it is possible to distinguish feminism analysis from other contemporary sociological perspective such as Neo-Marxism and post modernism.
Feminism focuses upon gender as the key factor, whereby social reality and mediated reality is structured for us and experienced by us. The early feminist researchers in media sociology concentrated on numbers that is the percentage and ratios of men and women appearing in the media.
The number of female characters and roles were added up and empire with work was undertaken in the 1970s. Whilst the work edited by Tuchman in (1978) was interesting in its examination of the way in which women were made invisible by media – the symbolic annihilation few analytical tools with which to produce a theoretical feminist critique.
The different strands of feminist work are undertaken by media researchers. It is accepted that there are three major dimensions within feminist through; liberal, radical and socialist. Although there are problem with these fairly arbitrary classifications use them as ideal types. It is a construction of the essential criteria of a phenomenon: a kind of yardstick, which is held against actual social reality to see how close it comes to the defining criteria.
Theoretical interpretation
Liberal feminism and the media
It does not question the power dimensions in society that maintain male superiority of status and female inferiority. Research into gender representation in the media has been mainly carried out by liberal feminists who have undertaken a great number of content analyses. Sex role stereotypes, prescription of sex, appropriate behavior, appearance, interest’s skills and self perceptions are at the core of liberal feminist media analyses.
The position of women and the media include the teaching of women’s studies, as part of courses for studies as part of courses for journalists and broadcasters, and disseminating to journalists and broadcasters about the nature and impact of gender stereotyping.
The liberal feminist position maintains that over time the media representation of women will catch up with their actual social position and the media will present a more accurate view. It is interesting to see that magazines for women have taken into account the working woman, and many of the glossy magazines have introduced the superwoman who adeptly juggles her family and her successful work life.
Radical feminism and the media
Radical Feminism analysis investigates the effect of patriarchy on women. Patriarchy is the system whereby all men directly or indirectly dominate all women. Women are encouraged to produce their own media products, essentially by setting up collective community organization. However thus far they have made few inroads into the male-
dominated media industries. There are notable exceptions, though, where women’s collectives have produced successful media products.
Socialist ( Marxist) feminism and the media.
The approach does not focus exclusively upon gender, but incorporates analysis of social class, ethnicity, sexual preference, age and disability into the discourse. Some analyses also privilege ideology as the focus of debate.
The media are generally perceived as ideological apparatuses that represent the essential rightness of capitalism as a social system; within this framework socialist feminists focus upon the ways in which gender is constructed through language and imagery.
In sum up, Obviously Media reflected the dominant values and work which have been greater reach among men than women. It also affects how we learn about our world and interact with one another. It can be analyzing according to sociological perspective. Sociology focus on social relationship highlights the tension between constraint and action in the media process. Although they are overlap, so there is difference between the discipline of mass communication and sociology. For media owners, the media are a source of profit and perhaps a source of political power. For society at large the media can be a way to transmit information and values and can check the abuse of political and economic power. However the Feminist focuses upon gender as the key factor, whereby social reality and mediated reality are structured and experienced. There are three major dimensions within feminist through such as liberal, radical and socialist. The different strands of feminist work are undertaken by media researchers.
Media and Gender in Nepalese Context
"Media is the medium through which we can make the masses aware as well as create pressure on policy makers". – A NGO activist.
Gender sensitivity of media may be seen in a various dimension such as positive projection of gender issues, gender sensitive presentation of language and general ideology. There has been much progress in women participation in media channels such as electronic media. And there has been a substantial progress in the media coverage of women's issues. This changes the attitude towards women by social consciousness for promoting them. They only accepted by the management in interviews for commercial gains. Women are use for promoting consumer products, thus propagating the capitalist image of women merely as consumers and reinforcing gender subordination in a new form. Media should reject advertisements degrading women. Most advertisements promote commodification of the human body. The more crucial gender issue is how they picture male and female in all their presentations. Media is the most important channel which play crucial role in forming consciousness, attitudes and behavior standards in the society.
We can see the gender participation in Newspaper. There are so many newspaper among them Nepal Samacharpattra is one where around 45 people are engaged in the works. Among them 3 are ladies and remaining are gents. These ladies are participated in soft work such as social institution, entertainment which is also known by passive news. These are in the post of senior assistance editor, assistance editor and reporter. Among 7 volunteers 4 are girls and 3 are boys and they are labored in free of cost for two month. On the other hand male have reporting, editing feature writing. Mostly male write the news related to politics and crime which is know as hard news. Male write the front page of the news paper. This shows that women are still in subordination position not only in private sector but also in public sector. Similarly in Kantipur daily news paper about 60-65 people are involve. Among them 3 are female job holder and remaining are gents. Here also female are send for soft news and male for hard news. This study shows that women are still backward. The subordination is still seen in practices.
Conclusion.
Gender studies include male and female equal in public and private sphere. Many theory and put their own view on the gender. This study deal about the gender and media where is trying to show the position, role of male and female. In TV channel they use women for commercial gain and in newspaper women participation is rare and they are not in high post. Exceptional cases are there where rare woman is in high post even though she has no power of decision making. Head of the office and decision maker are male. This show the women are still in subordination position in private as well as public sphere.
Background
Media have been reflected of dominant values and work as an active agency aiming at reinforcing and strengthening dominant value structure. There is no doubt that mass media like TV, film, radio, newspapers and magazines mould opinion, thinking, attitudes and behavior. TV and films are more powerful and their reach and impact is greater than that of other media. All of these media have greater reach among men than women, but what catches the attention of the feminists and other concerned people is the unrealistic negative portrayal of women in these media.
The media select items for attention and provide ranking of what is and not important – in other words they 'set an agenda' for public opinion….The way the media choose theme, structure the dialogue and control the debate- a process which involves crucial omissions- is a major aspect of their influence. (R. Clairem, C.J. Daniel, 2003)
The media play a crucial role in all aspects of daily life. However, their influence is not limited to what we know. Media also affect how we learn about our world and interact with one another. That is, mass media are bound up with the process of social relations.
We live in a society that is saturated by mass media. While this may be obvious times of crisis such as the world Trade Center and Pentagon attacks, when hundreds of millions of people worldwide were engaged to their television sets, it is no less turn in ordinary time. For most of us printed news, film, radio, music television and the Internet are central parts of our daily lives. Understanding the relationship between media and society has become an important topic in various disciplines.
.To understands the media for citizen of twenty-first century provides a set of tools to help make sense of the dizzying arroyo of media related issues. The role of media in our individual lives in the context of social forces such as the economy politics, and technological development. Most of all want to understand the media and their impact on our society, we must consider the relationship between media and the social world.
Media play different roles in society. One reason why the media are often controversial is that different group expects the medial to play different and often incompatible roles. For audiences, the media can serve as entertainment and division as sources of information about the world beyond direct experience.
For media workers, the medial industry offers a job, with resulting income, prestige, and satisfaction as well as a place for the development of a professional identity. For media owners, the media are a source of profit and perhaps a source of political power. For society at large the media can be a way to transmit information and values and can serve as a check on the abuse of political and economic power.
The media can be analyzed according to feminist theories. Feminist has several faces and a considerable amount of literature has been recently produced by various feminist writers. There are different brands of feminism, it is possible to distinguish feminism analysis from other contemporary sociological perspective such as Neo-Marxism and post modernism.
Feminism focuses upon gender as the key factor, whereby social reality and mediated reality is structured for us and experienced by us. The early feminist researchers in media sociology concentrated on numbers that is the percentage and ratios of men and women appearing in the media.
The number of female characters and roles were added up and empire with work was undertaken in the 1970s. Whilst the work edited by Tuchman in (1978) was interesting in its examination of the way in which women were made invisible by media – the symbolic annihilation few analytical tools with which to produce a theoretical feminist critique.
The different strands of feminist work are undertaken by media researchers. It is accepted that there are three major dimensions within feminist through; liberal, radical and socialist. Although there are problem with these fairly arbitrary classifications use them as ideal types. It is a construction of the essential criteria of a phenomenon: a kind of yardstick, which is held against actual social reality to see how close it comes to the defining criteria.
Theoretical interpretation
Liberal feminism and the media
It does not question the power dimensions in society that maintain male superiority of status and female inferiority. Research into gender representation in the media has been mainly carried out by liberal feminists who have undertaken a great number of content analyses. Sex role stereotypes, prescription of sex, appropriate behavior, appearance, interest’s skills and self perceptions are at the core of liberal feminist media analyses.
The position of women and the media include the teaching of women’s studies, as part of courses for studies as part of courses for journalists and broadcasters, and disseminating to journalists and broadcasters about the nature and impact of gender stereotyping.
The liberal feminist position maintains that over time the media representation of women will catch up with their actual social position and the media will present a more accurate view. It is interesting to see that magazines for women have taken into account the working woman, and many of the glossy magazines have introduced the superwoman who adeptly juggles her family and her successful work life.
Radical feminism and the media
Radical Feminism analysis investigates the effect of patriarchy on women. Patriarchy is the system whereby all men directly or indirectly dominate all women. Women are encouraged to produce their own media products, essentially by setting up collective community organization. However thus far they have made few inroads into the male-
dominated media industries. There are notable exceptions, though, where women’s collectives have produced successful media products.
Socialist ( Marxist) feminism and the media.
The approach does not focus exclusively upon gender, but incorporates analysis of social class, ethnicity, sexual preference, age and disability into the discourse. Some analyses also privilege ideology as the focus of debate.
The media are generally perceived as ideological apparatuses that represent the essential rightness of capitalism as a social system; within this framework socialist feminists focus upon the ways in which gender is constructed through language and imagery.
In sum up, Obviously Media reflected the dominant values and work which have been greater reach among men than women. It also affects how we learn about our world and interact with one another. It can be analyzing according to sociological perspective. Sociology focus on social relationship highlights the tension between constraint and action in the media process. Although they are overlap, so there is difference between the discipline of mass communication and sociology. For media owners, the media are a source of profit and perhaps a source of political power. For society at large the media can be a way to transmit information and values and can check the abuse of political and economic power. However the Feminist focuses upon gender as the key factor, whereby social reality and mediated reality are structured and experienced. There are three major dimensions within feminist through such as liberal, radical and socialist. The different strands of feminist work are undertaken by media researchers.
Media and Gender in Nepalese Context
"Media is the medium through which we can make the masses aware as well as create pressure on policy makers". – A NGO activist.
Gender sensitivity of media may be seen in a various dimension such as positive projection of gender issues, gender sensitive presentation of language and general ideology. There has been much progress in women participation in media channels such as electronic media. And there has been a substantial progress in the media coverage of women's issues. This changes the attitude towards women by social consciousness for promoting them. They only accepted by the management in interviews for commercial gains. Women are use for promoting consumer products, thus propagating the capitalist image of women merely as consumers and reinforcing gender subordination in a new form. Media should reject advertisements degrading women. Most advertisements promote commodification of the human body. The more crucial gender issue is how they picture male and female in all their presentations. Media is the most important channel which play crucial role in forming consciousness, attitudes and behavior standards in the society.
We can see the gender participation in Newspaper. There are so many newspaper among them Nepal Samacharpattra is one where around 45 people are engaged in the works. Among them 3 are ladies and remaining are gents. These ladies are participated in soft work such as social institution, entertainment which is also known by passive news. These are in the post of senior assistance editor, assistance editor and reporter. Among 7 volunteers 4 are girls and 3 are boys and they are labored in free of cost for two month. On the other hand male have reporting, editing feature writing. Mostly male write the news related to politics and crime which is know as hard news. Male write the front page of the news paper. This shows that women are still in subordination position not only in private sector but also in public sector. Similarly in Kantipur daily news paper about 60-65 people are involve. Among them 3 are female job holder and remaining are gents. Here also female are send for soft news and male for hard news. This study shows that women are still backward. The subordination is still seen in practices.
Conclusion.
Gender studies include male and female equal in public and private sphere. Many theory and put their own view on the gender. This study deal about the gender and media where is trying to show the position, role of male and female. In TV channel they use women for commercial gain and in newspaper women participation is rare and they are not in high post. Exceptional cases are there where rare woman is in high post even though she has no power of decision making. Head of the office and decision maker are male. This show the women are still in subordination position in private as well as public sphere.
Conflict theory and Karl Max
Introduction
Conflict is the process of opposing one another between variables of groups. Conflict theory has its roots in two different places. The first is the criticism of structural functionalism especially by Robert K Merton, which made United States open towards critical theory. However the major root of the critical theory lies on the work of Karl Marx and neo-Marxian’s. Their theories are related to conflict was quite popular in certain European countries.
Karl Marx was the great German theorist and political activist. The Marxist, conflict approach emphasizes a materialist interpretation of history, a dialectical method of analysis, a critical stance toward existing social arrangements, and a political program of revolution or reform.
The dialectical approach was derived from Hegel and shapes all the Marx’s work. Those elements of dialectical are more relevant to Marx’s sociology and sociological theory. The dialectical emphasis that there are no simple cause and effect relationship among elements of the social world; there is no clear dividing line between fact and value; and no hard and fast dividing lines among phenomena in the social world.
Despite the political orientation of communist society he devote towards dialectical and critical analysis of capitalist society. The substance of Marx’s works analyzing the potential of human beings. He said that human nature is greatly affected by social setting. e.g. the setting of capitalism destroyed the humanity and would be allowed to express itself. So the consciousness and creativity is enrolled in actors that express in various types of actions and interactions.
Karl Marx particularly concerned with the structure of capitalism, Here he put his view on cultural aspects of capitalist society especially class consciousness, false consciousness, and ideology.
Marxism economy have concept of use value and exchange value. A “use value” is defined qualitatively either something is or is not useful. An “exchange value” is defined quantitative. It is define by the amount of labor needed appropriate useful qualities. Where as useful values are produce to satisfy the one’s own needs, exchange values are produce to exchange for value for another use.
Contribution of Karl Max (1818-1883)
Marx's ideas have been applied and reinterpreted by scholars for over a hundred years, starting with Marx's close friend and collaborator, Friedrich Engels (1825-95), who supported Marx and his family for many years from the profits of the textile factories founded by Engels' father, while Marx shut himself away in the library of the British Museum. Later, Vladimir I. Lenin (1870-1924), leader of the Russian revolution, made several influential contributions to Marxist theory. In recent years Marxist theory has taken a great variety of forms, notably the world-systems theory proposed by Immanuel Wallerstein (1974, 1980) and the comparative theory of revolutions put forward by Theda Skocpol (1980). Marxist ideas have also served as a starting point for many of the modern feminist theorists. Despite these applications, Marxism of any variety is still a minority position among American sociologists.
Assumption of Conflict Theory.
a) Society is a system of imperfectly coordinated parts.
b) Society and its elements are in the state of constant change.
c) The parts in the society are constantly struggling or competing.
d) Conflict is inherent in any social structure.
e) Conflicts generate social change.
f) Endogenous conflict arise out of malintegration or incompatibility of interest of the group or individuals or unequal distribution of score or desirable resources.
Conflict:
Conflict is admitted to cause or modify interest groups, unifications and organization where interest group is that which share common interest values and beliefs. Same follow for unification and organization.
Conflict theories see the relations between certain structures of the society are conflict or non-harmonious state. This type of conflictual relation between different structures of the society doesn’t help in smooth functioning.
Conflict was analysis on two ways i.e. Political Philosophy (political philosophy involve conflict. Machivelli, Boden, Mosca use political philosophy) and economical philosophy (Economic relationship involve conflict. Adam smith, Karl Marx use economic philosophy)
Types of conflict
Endogenous Conflict: Conflict occurring within the society and the sources of change is also within it.
Conflict of Authority: The authority structure is the primary source of conflict. Authority is the degree of will or power that would be exercised over others, with or without approval of those others.
Conflict between Individual and society: What is good for society is not necessarily good for individual. There could be conflict in the interests.
Conflict of values: The cumulative effects of innovation, technological revolution environmental crises, generation gap, automatic sexual revolution, new value orientations and the break up of normative structure have been series of conflicts which manifested themselves in a variety of social movements and individual identity crises.
Exogenous Conflict: In this type of conflict both the conflict and source of change are outside the society. Conflict is initiated by external factors such as war, cultural, invasion, and ideology.
Social Conflict:
Marx divided history into several stages on the basis of economic structure of society. The most important stages were feudalism, capitalism and socialism. Marx's writing is concerned with materialist model of society to capitalism; the stage of economic and social development was dominant in 19th century Europe. The central institution of capitalist society is private property, the system by which capital (that is, money, machines, tools, factories, and other material objects used in production) is controlled by a small minority of the population. This arrangement leads two opposed classes, the owners of capital (bourgeoisie) and the workers (proletariat), whose only property is their own labor time, which they have to sell to the capitalists.
Owners are seen as making profits by paying workers less than their work is worth and, thus, exploiting them. (In Marxist terminology, material forces of production or means of production include capital, land, and labor, whereas social relations of production refer to the division of labor and implied class relationships.)
Economic exploitation leads directly to political oppression, as owners make use of their economic power to gain control of the state and turn it into a servant of bourgeois economic interests. Police power is used to enforce property rights and guarantee unfair contracts between capitalist and worker. Oppression also takes more subtle forms: religion serves capitalist interests by pacifying the population; intellectuals, paid directly or indirectly by capitalists, spend their careers justifying and rationalizing the existing social and economic arrangements. In sum, the economic structure of society molds the superstructure, including ideas (e.g., morality, ideologies, art, and literature) and the social institutions that support the class structure of society (e.g., the state, the educational system, the family, and religious institutions). Because the dominant or ruling class (bourgeoisie) controls the social relations of production, the dominant ideology in capitalist society is that of the ruling class. Ideology and social institutions serve to reproduce and perpetuate the economic class structure. Marx viewed the exploitative economic arrangements of capitalism as the real foundation upon which the superstructure of social, political, and intellectual consciousness is built. (Figure 1 depicts this model of historical materialism.)Marx's view on history seem completely cynical or pessimistic, were it not for the possibilities of change revealed by his method of dialectical analysis. (The Marxist dialectical method, based on Hegel's earlier idealistic dialectic, focuses attention on how an existing social arrangement, or thesis, generates its social opposite, or antithesis, and on how a qualitatively different social form, or synthesis, emerges from the resulting struggle.). He believed that any stage of history based on exploitative economic arrangements generated within itself the seeds of its own destruction. For instance, feudalism, in which land owners exploited the peasantry, gave rise to a class of town-dwelling merchants, whose dedication to making profits eventually led to the bourgeois revolution and the modern capitalist era. Similarly, the class relations of capitalism will lead inevitably to the next stage, socialism. The class relations of capitalism embody a contradiction: capitalists need workers, and vice versa, but the economic interests of the two groups are fundamentally at odds. Such contradictions mean inherent conflict and instability, the class struggle. Adding to the instability of the capitalist system are the inescapable needs for ever-wider markets and ever-greater investments in capital to maintain the profits of capitalists.
Marx expected that the resulting economic cycles of expansion and contraction, together with tensions that will build as the working class gains greater understanding of its exploited position (and thus attains class consciousness), will eventually culminate in a socialist revolution.
Despite this sense of the unalterable logic of history, Marxists see the need for social criticism and for political activity to speed the arrival of socialism, which, not being based on private property, is not expected to involve as many contradictions and conflicts as capitalism. Marxists believe that social theory and political practice are dialectically intertwined, with theory enhanced by political involvement and with political practice necessarily guided by theory. Intellectuals ought to combine political criticism and political activity. Theory itself is seen as necessarily critical and value-laden, since the prevailing social relations are based upon alienating exploitation of the labor of the working classes.
Process of conflict
Marx developed his theory of class conflict in his analysis and critique if the capitalist society.
a) Importance of property: The most distinguishing characteristic of any society is its form of property, and the crucial determinant if an individual’s behavior is his relation to property. Classes are determined on the basis of individual’s relation to the means of production.
b) Economic determinism: Whole style of society and individual is determined by economic status. Marx identify economic and political is the same. Those people have economic power use the political power for their own purpose. Business man and government is too different part but infact there is nucleus relation.
c) Polarization of classes: The whole society bring more and more into two hostile camps two great directly antagonistic classes, bourgeoisies and proletariats. This process is known by polarization. When the conflict in decisive from that time every man either will be join one contenting class.
d) Theory of surplus value: The value of any commodity is determined by the amount of labor it takes to produce it. The quality of value produced by the workers beyond the necessary labor time. Necessary time means the working time required to produce value equal to the one he has received in the form of wage.
e) Pauperization: poverty of proletarian grows with increasing exploitation. Work is done for the social adaptation. The whole society breaks up more and more into two great hostile camps, two great directly antagonistic classes: bourgeoisie and proletariat.
f) Alienation: As the capital accumulates the lot of the laboral grows worse and worse. Work is no longer and expression of mans him but only a degraded livelihood.
g) Class solidarity and antagonism: With the growth of class consciousness the crystallization of social relation into two group become stream lined and the classes tend to become internally homogeneous and the class struggle more intensified.
h) Revolution: Violent revolution breaks out and it destroys the structure capitalist society. Revolution is likely to take place at the peak of economic crises.
i) Dictatorship of proletariat: Revolution terminates capitalist society and leads to the social dictatorship of proletariat.
j) Inauguration of communist society.: Socialization of means of production social ownership over the means of production, class start disappearing. State gradually either away. It is also known as statelessness.
“ Nobody owns anything but everybody owns everything.”
Conflict is the process of opposing one another between variables of groups. Conflict theory has its roots in two different places. The first is the criticism of structural functionalism especially by Robert K Merton, which made United States open towards critical theory. However the major root of the critical theory lies on the work of Karl Marx and neo-Marxian’s. Their theories are related to conflict was quite popular in certain European countries.
Karl Marx was the great German theorist and political activist. The Marxist, conflict approach emphasizes a materialist interpretation of history, a dialectical method of analysis, a critical stance toward existing social arrangements, and a political program of revolution or reform.
The dialectical approach was derived from Hegel and shapes all the Marx’s work. Those elements of dialectical are more relevant to Marx’s sociology and sociological theory. The dialectical emphasis that there are no simple cause and effect relationship among elements of the social world; there is no clear dividing line between fact and value; and no hard and fast dividing lines among phenomena in the social world.
Despite the political orientation of communist society he devote towards dialectical and critical analysis of capitalist society. The substance of Marx’s works analyzing the potential of human beings. He said that human nature is greatly affected by social setting. e.g. the setting of capitalism destroyed the humanity and would be allowed to express itself. So the consciousness and creativity is enrolled in actors that express in various types of actions and interactions.
Karl Marx particularly concerned with the structure of capitalism, Here he put his view on cultural aspects of capitalist society especially class consciousness, false consciousness, and ideology.
Marxism economy have concept of use value and exchange value. A “use value” is defined qualitatively either something is or is not useful. An “exchange value” is defined quantitative. It is define by the amount of labor needed appropriate useful qualities. Where as useful values are produce to satisfy the one’s own needs, exchange values are produce to exchange for value for another use.
Contribution of Karl Max (1818-1883)
Marx's ideas have been applied and reinterpreted by scholars for over a hundred years, starting with Marx's close friend and collaborator, Friedrich Engels (1825-95), who supported Marx and his family for many years from the profits of the textile factories founded by Engels' father, while Marx shut himself away in the library of the British Museum. Later, Vladimir I. Lenin (1870-1924), leader of the Russian revolution, made several influential contributions to Marxist theory. In recent years Marxist theory has taken a great variety of forms, notably the world-systems theory proposed by Immanuel Wallerstein (1974, 1980) and the comparative theory of revolutions put forward by Theda Skocpol (1980). Marxist ideas have also served as a starting point for many of the modern feminist theorists. Despite these applications, Marxism of any variety is still a minority position among American sociologists.
Assumption of Conflict Theory.
a) Society is a system of imperfectly coordinated parts.
b) Society and its elements are in the state of constant change.
c) The parts in the society are constantly struggling or competing.
d) Conflict is inherent in any social structure.
e) Conflicts generate social change.
f) Endogenous conflict arise out of malintegration or incompatibility of interest of the group or individuals or unequal distribution of score or desirable resources.
Conflict:
Conflict is admitted to cause or modify interest groups, unifications and organization where interest group is that which share common interest values and beliefs. Same follow for unification and organization.
Conflict theories see the relations between certain structures of the society are conflict or non-harmonious state. This type of conflictual relation between different structures of the society doesn’t help in smooth functioning.
Conflict was analysis on two ways i.e. Political Philosophy (political philosophy involve conflict. Machivelli, Boden, Mosca use political philosophy) and economical philosophy (Economic relationship involve conflict. Adam smith, Karl Marx use economic philosophy)
Types of conflict
Endogenous Conflict: Conflict occurring within the society and the sources of change is also within it.
Conflict of Authority: The authority structure is the primary source of conflict. Authority is the degree of will or power that would be exercised over others, with or without approval of those others.
Conflict between Individual and society: What is good for society is not necessarily good for individual. There could be conflict in the interests.
Conflict of values: The cumulative effects of innovation, technological revolution environmental crises, generation gap, automatic sexual revolution, new value orientations and the break up of normative structure have been series of conflicts which manifested themselves in a variety of social movements and individual identity crises.
Exogenous Conflict: In this type of conflict both the conflict and source of change are outside the society. Conflict is initiated by external factors such as war, cultural, invasion, and ideology.
Social Conflict:
Marx divided history into several stages on the basis of economic structure of society. The most important stages were feudalism, capitalism and socialism. Marx's writing is concerned with materialist model of society to capitalism; the stage of economic and social development was dominant in 19th century Europe. The central institution of capitalist society is private property, the system by which capital (that is, money, machines, tools, factories, and other material objects used in production) is controlled by a small minority of the population. This arrangement leads two opposed classes, the owners of capital (bourgeoisie) and the workers (proletariat), whose only property is their own labor time, which they have to sell to the capitalists.
Owners are seen as making profits by paying workers less than their work is worth and, thus, exploiting them. (In Marxist terminology, material forces of production or means of production include capital, land, and labor, whereas social relations of production refer to the division of labor and implied class relationships.)
Economic exploitation leads directly to political oppression, as owners make use of their economic power to gain control of the state and turn it into a servant of bourgeois economic interests. Police power is used to enforce property rights and guarantee unfair contracts between capitalist and worker. Oppression also takes more subtle forms: religion serves capitalist interests by pacifying the population; intellectuals, paid directly or indirectly by capitalists, spend their careers justifying and rationalizing the existing social and economic arrangements. In sum, the economic structure of society molds the superstructure, including ideas (e.g., morality, ideologies, art, and literature) and the social institutions that support the class structure of society (e.g., the state, the educational system, the family, and religious institutions). Because the dominant or ruling class (bourgeoisie) controls the social relations of production, the dominant ideology in capitalist society is that of the ruling class. Ideology and social institutions serve to reproduce and perpetuate the economic class structure. Marx viewed the exploitative economic arrangements of capitalism as the real foundation upon which the superstructure of social, political, and intellectual consciousness is built. (Figure 1 depicts this model of historical materialism.)Marx's view on history seem completely cynical or pessimistic, were it not for the possibilities of change revealed by his method of dialectical analysis. (The Marxist dialectical method, based on Hegel's earlier idealistic dialectic, focuses attention on how an existing social arrangement, or thesis, generates its social opposite, or antithesis, and on how a qualitatively different social form, or synthesis, emerges from the resulting struggle.). He believed that any stage of history based on exploitative economic arrangements generated within itself the seeds of its own destruction. For instance, feudalism, in which land owners exploited the peasantry, gave rise to a class of town-dwelling merchants, whose dedication to making profits eventually led to the bourgeois revolution and the modern capitalist era. Similarly, the class relations of capitalism will lead inevitably to the next stage, socialism. The class relations of capitalism embody a contradiction: capitalists need workers, and vice versa, but the economic interests of the two groups are fundamentally at odds. Such contradictions mean inherent conflict and instability, the class struggle. Adding to the instability of the capitalist system are the inescapable needs for ever-wider markets and ever-greater investments in capital to maintain the profits of capitalists.
Marx expected that the resulting economic cycles of expansion and contraction, together with tensions that will build as the working class gains greater understanding of its exploited position (and thus attains class consciousness), will eventually culminate in a socialist revolution.
Despite this sense of the unalterable logic of history, Marxists see the need for social criticism and for political activity to speed the arrival of socialism, which, not being based on private property, is not expected to involve as many contradictions and conflicts as capitalism. Marxists believe that social theory and political practice are dialectically intertwined, with theory enhanced by political involvement and with political practice necessarily guided by theory. Intellectuals ought to combine political criticism and political activity. Theory itself is seen as necessarily critical and value-laden, since the prevailing social relations are based upon alienating exploitation of the labor of the working classes.
Process of conflict
Marx developed his theory of class conflict in his analysis and critique if the capitalist society.
a) Importance of property: The most distinguishing characteristic of any society is its form of property, and the crucial determinant if an individual’s behavior is his relation to property. Classes are determined on the basis of individual’s relation to the means of production.
b) Economic determinism: Whole style of society and individual is determined by economic status. Marx identify economic and political is the same. Those people have economic power use the political power for their own purpose. Business man and government is too different part but infact there is nucleus relation.
c) Polarization of classes: The whole society bring more and more into two hostile camps two great directly antagonistic classes, bourgeoisies and proletariats. This process is known by polarization. When the conflict in decisive from that time every man either will be join one contenting class.
d) Theory of surplus value: The value of any commodity is determined by the amount of labor it takes to produce it. The quality of value produced by the workers beyond the necessary labor time. Necessary time means the working time required to produce value equal to the one he has received in the form of wage.
e) Pauperization: poverty of proletarian grows with increasing exploitation. Work is done for the social adaptation. The whole society breaks up more and more into two great hostile camps, two great directly antagonistic classes: bourgeoisie and proletariat.
f) Alienation: As the capital accumulates the lot of the laboral grows worse and worse. Work is no longer and expression of mans him but only a degraded livelihood.
g) Class solidarity and antagonism: With the growth of class consciousness the crystallization of social relation into two group become stream lined and the classes tend to become internally homogeneous and the class struggle more intensified.
h) Revolution: Violent revolution breaks out and it destroys the structure capitalist society. Revolution is likely to take place at the peak of economic crises.
i) Dictatorship of proletariat: Revolution terminates capitalist society and leads to the social dictatorship of proletariat.
j) Inauguration of communist society.: Socialization of means of production social ownership over the means of production, class start disappearing. State gradually either away. It is also known as statelessness.
“ Nobody owns anything but everybody owns everything.”
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